Abuse of office (part seven)

Abuse of office (part seven) Video These topics were launched by newspapers, over all the evidence of connection between businessmen and politicians uncovered in the last six episodes of The Insider. Various decisions made by competent institutions or individuals caused a loss of several hundred million euros to the city or state budget, and, thus, the citizens. None of the state representatives can tell us why the decisions were made in the interests of the individuals and to the disadvantage of the citizens. Since the evidence was made public, mostly everybody keeps silent, both the politicians and journalists of other media. It is just another indicator that the public's pressure in Serbia does not exist. Media are mostly controlled, by either politicians in power or businessmen, who finance those politicians or that media. In addition, businessmen have their own people in the judiciary, prosecution and competent institutions. The circle is closed. That is why tonight you will see only the facts and evidence uncovered in the last six episode. This is the last episode of The Insider. "No Comment" Every city's or state's greatest is the building land. From the sale, or lease of land, the money goes to the budget, which is used to build infrastructure, renew roads and make bridges. Based on several months of research, The Insider concluded that representatives of the state, city and competent institutions, caused losses to the budget by giving away hectares of land to businessmen without auction. Because of an attempt to deceive the public, by claiming that when a land is put up for auction, a fee is the same as a rent, we asked the Belgrade Land Development Public Agency how much the Agency earns for the budget when it puts a land up for auction. Basic thing is the following: when a land is put up for auction, starting price is the land's market price, which represents a rent. The city budget has been caused a loss for that amount and not for the fee which everyone who builds something has to pay anyway. The Agency sent us official data, how much the city earns when it puts a land up for auction. At land auction, Marina Dorcol reached a price of, according to the Agency, 70,601 euros per are. First, the land of around 2.5 hectares was leased, the price of which was 120,000 euros per are, and subsequently another 1.5 hectare was leased. Thus, 28 million euros ended up in the city budget in 2006. For an are of land at Autokomanda, the price reached 89,963 euros, and around three hectares were leased at auction. The City thus earned 26,244,000 euros in 2009. Three hectares in Bloc 67, reached the price of 51,100 euros per are at auction, which meant 17 million euros for the city budget in 2004. The land in Bloc 58 in New Belgrade reached the price of 130,000 euros per are at auction. Thus, from one hectare alone, the city budget in 2007 got around 15 million euros. In Bloc 11, the land of around two hectares, reached the price of 123,000 euros per are at auction, and the budget thus earned 23 million euros. According to official data from the Agency, at several locations alone, the total of which was 25 hectares, the City earned a total of 172,465,000 euros at auction. If it was to be divided by hectares, the average hectare of city land costs around 7 million euros. The building land in Serbia is owned by the state, and everyone else has the right to use it. If the City gives away a location to an investor, it must do it by the law, it is obliged to put the non-built land up for auction. The fee for the cultivation of the building land must be paid by everyone who builds something, which means those who obtained the land by renting it at auction, but also those who bought, for example, an old factory and then destroyed it and built a residential building in its place. It is true that those who practically got the land as a present would have to pay the fee for the cultivation of the land when they are building something, but it is much less money than if the state put the land up for auction, which would mean that beside a fee, the rent was paid too. Namely, according to the law, when the Agency puts the land up for auction, the starting price is based on the market value of the land, the estimation of which is made by the Tax Management and then the bidding can start. Beside that, the investor pays the fee for cultivation of the building land, but that part is not put up for auction, it is a fixed price, established by the city, and it depends on the building's purpose and the zone in which it is built. Everything together makes the total amount paid by the investor, when, for example, he rents the city's building land at auction. The Port of Belgrade company was bought in 2005, during the takeover of shares from workers and the state, by Miroslav Miskovic and Milan Beko, through an offshore company. The company located in the area of around 220 hectares at the most exclusive location was bought for around 50 million euros. That way, thanks to the state's decision, the new owners gained the right to build business and residential facilities on the port's land and for the price of the shares, and not for the price reached at an auction for renting the building land. Port representatives claim that The Insider published serious misinformation how the City of Belgrade lost over two billion euros because the land was not put up for auction. We came by the amount of around two billion euros by simple calculation, when we compared the price reached for an are of land of Marina Dorcol at auction. Marina Dorcol is located next to the Port of Belgrade. Port representatives, however, claim this could not be calculated, and that the city would earn money only when they acquire the right to build there, because then they would pay the fee for cultivation of, as they say, 900 million euros. The fee has to be paid by everyone, both those who rent the land and those who get it for free, so there's nothing problematic there. The problem is that when the land goes for an auction, the potential buyer is bidding for the rent. The starting price is established by the Tax Management based on market conditions. The fee is a fixed one and there is no bid on it. If, for example, we take into consideration that the price of 120,000 euros per are, for Marina Dorcol, includes both the fee and rent and if we take into consideration what the Port representatives claim that when they start building they would pay the fee of around 900 million, we still come at conclusion that the city lost as mach as a billion and a half euros. In this case, the city was damaged, primarily due to the decision of the then government of Vojislav Kostunica that the state should sell shares in the company, disregarding the fact that the area is at the most exclusive part of Belgrade and that the Port itself would most certainly not remain downtown. By such decision from the republic authorities in 2005, the city was prevented from putting the land in the Port's area up for auction. With the latest amendments to the General Plan, whose adoption is expected soon, the area would be turned from industrial into construction zone. The moving of the Port would be paid for by all the citizens, and the businessmen who bought the Port would acquire the right to build residential and business facilities there. The exact size of the area in question would be known only after the dispute between the Port and the City is settled. The Port is still in dispute with the City on around 200 hectares of this land. None of the competent bodies know the exact size of the Port's land. Both claim they have the right to use the land. A legal advisor of the Port was and is, in his own admission, a former city official, Milan Perovic. However, today he is the chairman of the Board of Directors for the Belgrade Land Development Public Agency. Perovic is also a member of the Democratic Party, and before that he was a member of the New Serbia of Velimir Ilic. He was nominated for the chairman of the Board of the Agency by the Liberal Democratic Party. These ties between businessmen and all levels of authorities include media as well. The examples can be found daily, while Vecernje novosti are the frontrunners in the defence of Miskovic, Beko and Port of Belgrade. According to data published by media which were never denied, in 2006, Miskovic and Beko bought Vecernje novosti. A year later, Miodrag Djordjevic became its executive director. Dordjevic was in 2005 head of the Privatisation Agency. Privatisation Agency was the one which decided on the sale of the state package of shares of the Port of Belgrade. However, no one has the answer to the question why the state decided to sell its shares in the company, although they knew that the Port would not remain in the city's centre, but that it would be moved. If they knew all that, why they did not decide to first amend the General Plan, which would include the moving of the Port and then sell the shares to someone who really wants to deal in port activity, and put the land which becomes a construction land up for auction, which would bring much more money to the budget. On several locations alone which we tackled in previous six episodes, as much as around 300 hectares of the Belgrade building land, for various reasons failed to end up at auction. If we take the average estimation of seven millions by hectare, and the price is often higher, the loss for the budget is greater by two billion euros. Many obtained their hectares by buying old factories, print houses or companies, and there were even cases when they simply built on a farming land, and the City later, after adopting a Detailed Plan, turned this farming land into a construction land, by changing its purpose. In 2002, the building of the former Central Committee was bought for 10 million Deutschemarks. The buyer had the right to use only eight are of the land. However, as The Insider found out, Petar Matic was practically given away all the five hectares at such an exclusive location without auction. Had the law been respected, the staring price at this location would be the market price, established by the Tax Management. For example, an are of land at auction in Bloc 58, across the road from Delta City, reached 130,000 euros per are. In comparison, the city potentially lost 65 million euros thanks to the decision of competent institutions. After broadcast of The Insider, City representatives denied that members of city institutions made wrong decisions. However, after the mayor requested analysis from several institutions, the city's public attorney, Strahinja Sekulic established couple of days ago that the sale of Usce did not respect the legal procedure. Dragan Djilas submitted his legal analysis to the District Prosecutor. The building of the business centre Usce was sold in 2002 by the federal government and Agency for Property. Involved were also land registry of Zemun and New Belgrade, but also the Geodetic Institute. The City Assembly amended the Detailed Plan for this location twice, once when the majority was made by the members of DOS and once when the Democratic Party and Democratic Party of Serbia were in power. Zoran Alimpic, the former Assembly speaker, publicly admitted that the plan for Usce was voted for by the Assembly in order to meet the request of the investor. At the time when this land was supposed to be put up for auction, director of the Land Development Public Agency was Sinisa Nikolic. Sinisa Nikolic was also member of the Board of Directors of the MPC company since 2006. Based on the Plan of Detailed Regulation, the Secretariat for Urbanism, headed by Nenad Komatina, issued a construction permit, which allowed the investor to build 100,000 square metres more than what he was allowed by the original permit. Today, the lawyer's office of Nenad Komatina represents the Balkans Real Estate, the company created by the merger between MPC and Merrill Lynch. The land of around three hectares at Autokomanda bought by Miroslav Miskovic was not put up for auction. Delta company obtained this land by buying the Autokomanda company at an auction so that they could deal in repairing motor vehicles. Delta paid 17 million euros for the company. Had the competent institutions first made the decision to move the Autokomanda company, if they knew that the original activity won't be resumed, but that the location would become a building land, the city could have earned much more at an auction. For example, the remaining part of the land of around three hectares, which today belongs to Petar Matic, reached the price of around 89,963 euros per are, and the city budget was richer by over 26 million euros. Thus, through the privatisation of the Autokomanda company, they paid nine million euros less than if the city had put the land in that zone up for auction. Autokomanda was sold in February 2005. Director of the privatisation Agency was Miodrag Dordjevic, and the minister for privatisation was Predrag Bubalo from the Democratic Party of Serbia. The Old Mill is located on the land of around one hectare near the Fair, next to the Gazela bridge. That building and location have old owners, whose property was confiscated during Communism, and it was never returned to them, because the Act on Denationalisation has still not been adopted in Serbia. Beside all this, 18 buildings which make the Old Mill complex was given away to Koling by the municipality of Savski venac without auction through various contracts between 1995 and 2007, in exchange for 800 square metres of residential space. Had the location been put up for auction as an non-built land, the city would have earned much more. Namely, the Old Mill is located in the first zone, at a similar location as Autokomanda, where an are was worth nearly 90,000 euros. Had the Old Mill been given to auction, the potential value could have reached nine million euros. The Belgrade Shipyard is located on the land of 24 hectares. By amendments to the General Plan, whose adoption is expected soon, it would become a building land. That way, Philip Zepter would obtain an exclusive land although he did not rent it at auction. Namely, he bought the shipyard which went into receivership in 2003 for 13 million euros. The Belgrade Shipyard is located next to the plot in Bloc 58, which reached 130,000 euros per are at auction. Had the land been put up for auction, it could have reached the price of 312 million euros. Zoran Janjusevic was appointed the receivership manager in 2002. At the time of the sale of the shipyard, the receivership manager was Darinka Isailovic, previously Janjusevic's assistant. The land of around one hectare, in downtown Belgrade, next to the Vuk's Monument, where the factory Partizanka was located, was not put up for auction. Petar Matic and his company City Real Estate obtained the location by buying the building of the Inex Partizanka factory in 2002. The building of 8,000 square metres was sold for only 90 million dinars. A residential building Oaza was built in its place. The construction permit was signed by the then secretary for urbanism, Vuk Djurovic, and the interesting thing is that the project Oaza was made by his brother, Ognjen Djurovic, and former city architect and today an MP of the Democratic Party in the City Assembly, Djordje Bobic. Before becoming a city architect, he was a member of several city committees deciding on urbanism issues. At the same time, he was the owner of the architectural bureau. Since 2000, the Slavija Bureau projected most of the buildings built by local businessmen. None of the competent officials can tell us why the state, if it knew that a factory would not remain at an attractive location, sold the ruined factory during privatisation, instead of moving it to the periphery, selling it someone who really wants to re-launch manufacture, which would prevent workers from losing their jobs, and then put the land on auction, which would bring much more money to the budget. Had the land on which today we have the Oaza residential complex been put up for auction, the price would potentially reach at least 70,000 euros. Thus, the city and the state lost minimum seven million euros. The land of one hectare, which houses the oldest printing house in the country BIGZ, across the road from Belgrade Fair, was given away also without auction. BIGZ was sold in 2007 during privatisation at auction to Beta Partners, owned by Petar Matic. The price was around 3.5 million euros. Had the state decided to first move BIGZ, since it already knew that it would not remain at such an attractive location and then put it as a building land up for auction, the city would earn much more. The location of the BIGZ building is in the fist city zone, similar to Autokomanda, where an are was worth almost 90,000 euros. Thus, at an auction, a hectare of this land could potentially be bought for nine million euros. At the time when BIGZ was sold in 2007, director of the Privatisation Agency was Vladimir Galic, official of the Democratic Party of Serbia, and minister of privatisation was Predrag Bubalo, from the same party. The land which was not put up for auction and is in the immediate vicinity of the Zrenjanin Road, ten kilometres from downtown Belgrade, has 26 hectares. Sports centre Kovilovo and Hotel President was built on that land. This farming land was obtained by the owner of the sports centre, Milan Sotra, from the director of the state company PKB in the 1990s, who gave it to him for free. The latest Detailed Plan for this area, recently adopted by the City Assembly, allows the construction of everything that has already been built there. That way, the city adjusted the planning document to the situation on the ground, thus legalizing everything that was made without a fee, at the same time turning the farming zone into a construction one. Had everything been done in case of Kovilovo according to the law, had the plan been adopted for the area first, according to which the farming land became a construction land, and then put 26 hectares up for auction, the city would have earned over ten million euros. At the corner of Ustanicka and Boulevard of King Aleksandar, there are three hectares of land which were not put up for auction. In its place, in the 1990s, illegal buildings were built, which were turned into a shopping mall, and residential buildings were built by Hidrotehnika on the same spot without a permit. However, the City Assembly adopted amendments to the Detailed Regulation Plan in 2004 and thus not only legalised the building, but turned the owners into users of construction plots at such an attractive location. Apparently, in order to please the owners of facilities, the city even decided that the planned extension of the Revolution Boulevard in that part of the street is no longer possible. That way, an irreparable damage to the city of Belgrade was done. It is interesting to note that the lawyer's office of Vesna Ivic, who was head of the office of the then mayor, Nenad Bogdanovic, at the time when City Assembly voted for amendments to the Detailed Plan, is located in the shopping mall on the Boulevard. Vesna Ivic is today head of the city management. If the market value is similar to the one at the outskirts of New Belgrade, where for the requirements of construction of a sports centre 31,000 euros per are were paid for almost four hectares, by changing the Detailed Plan and not putting the location up for auction, the city potentially lost a little over nine million euros. Around a hectare of land in the city's centre, across the road from the Federal Parliament and Serbian presidency, was not put up for auction. Location was given away to the Jiompros company back in the 1990s and was not taken away, although the land was not used according to its purpose. Only a part of the fee went to the city budget, but not from the rent which would probably reach a record amount for this location. The location was resold several times, and MPS owned by Petar Matic is currently building on it. This location at the corner of Kralja Aleksandra and Kneza Milosa streets has old owners, from which it was confiscated after World War Two. In 2004, when it still had no buildings on it, it could have been returned to the old owners under the law. The potential value of a single hectare at this location is at least 13 million euros, because that much was paid for a hectare at New Belgrade, at a location less attractive than this one. The land on which the Wool Plant is located has 4.3 hectares and is in the immediate vicinity of the Danube and Port of Belgrade. The company was bought by the Port through its companies, which is to say Miskovic and Beko, at an auction, in September 2009, for around 5.5 million euros. Had the state decided first to move the Wool Plant and put its land up for auction, the city would have had a much greater income from it. The land is close to Marina Dorcol, where the rent was paid 120,000 euros per are. This way, 5.5 million did go to Serbia's budget, but the potential loss, at this location alone, was a little less than 25 million euros. All these locations, and we are talking about only several examples of around 300 hectares in total, were practically given away, instead of the state making decisions what is strategically important for the city, which factories and companies to move from the city, and then organise an auction for the city land. Simultaneously, the laws and procedures were adjusted to businessmen and that way they are doing everything by the law now. The problem is, however, in the state, government and Parliament making such decisions and laws. Through privatisation and purchase of shares they acquired simultaneously large amounts of square metres and possibility to build, without paying rent for the land, which is the state's most expensive resource. At the same time, by various decisions, either through privatisation or giving away of the land, the old owners were left without locations and real estate, which had been confiscated from them by the Communist authorities after World War Two. Compensation for this could be paid for by all the citizens, if the Act on Restitution is not adopted soon, which should have actually been adopted before the Act on Privatisation. It is a known fact that there is corruption, but the adoption of a new law is announced, which should prevent corruption by reducing the procedure of getting permits. Even according to the current law, the deadline for getting the permit is fifteen days, but in practice it often turns into at least fifteen months. Representatives of the Secretariat and Land Registry publicly told the Insider that people even get permits based on forgeries – even the involved admitted to it. There are evidence that the construction permit was issued in 2008 in name of the man who died in 2002. At the same time, important institutions do not have a permit of use. The state built the ring road around Belgrade without appropriate permits. Former minister, Velimir Ilic, who was supposed to fight illegal construction, which is a criminal act, was building a clinic in Kaculice himself. Due to violation of the law, he was just unofficially warned. Under Milosevic, illegal construction was supported by the state, which is how several Zemun settlements emerged. The Serbian Radical Party, which was in power in Zemun at the time, was selling farming land to citizens for building houses, so the residents did not have electrical power or sewage system for years. Today, the equipping of those settlements is paid by all the citizens of Belgrade. In the period, there were privileged companies, which got hectares of land to build apartments, also without auction. Stankom, owned by Zivadin Mihajlovic, called Zika the Cigarette-Holder, got an exclusive right to build in Cukarica. He was given hundreds of plots. Later Stankom got co-investors, broke off contracts with them, and buyers lost their money and apartments. Today, one of the co-investors of Stankom, Aleksandar Lukic, owner of Delta Legal, is in custody. In our last episode, we informed the viewers that the former president of the Second Court, Gordana Mihajlovic, was today representing Stankom. As a proof of this, we published the authorisation from Stankom that, in case lawyer Visnjic was prevented, she would represent Stankom. Gordana Mihajlovic sent a denial to The Insider. She claims that her name was mentioned in an unfair context of the so-called Construction Mafia. "For truth's sake, it is true that my husband is a lawyer, that he was a lawyer at the time when I was appointed president of the court, that he started representing Stankom only six months after I left court, in 2006 and 2007, that he is not representing it now for over a year, that I was replacing him only in case he was prevented for some reason and that there is no conflict of interest in it whatsoever," said the letter sent to The Insider by the former president of the court. After privatisation in Serbia, the largest investors, owners of square metres, real estate, land and companies in Serbia today are Miroslav Miskovic, Petar Matic, Radomir Baja Zivanic, Milan Beko and Milan Jankovic, also known as Philip Zepter. Miroslav Miskovic was in 1989 vice-president of the Executive Committee of Serbia, together with Dusan Mihajlovic, after which he moved to private business. When accused by former workers of the Genex state company that he built his empire thanks to close ties with Milosevic, that while Genex was closing down, Delta was growing, Delta replied it was an utter nonsense. Due to close ties with Milosevic, Miskovic was on the American list of persons forbidden entry to the country. After assisting in forming of the latest government, he was taken off that list. In addition to all this, President Tadic invited him for a dinner, prepared only for the select few, in honour of the visit by the US Vice-President Joseph Biden Miskovic today owns several thousand square metres and hectares of land. His company employs over 25.000 people. Delta is, however, owned by an offshore company in Cyprus, which means that all the capital of his company is owned by foreign companies, but the final owner is still him. When, for example, Miskovic sold Delta Bank, the tax on capital profit was not paid in Serbia, because the bank was owned by an offshore company from Cyprus. In the meantime, Miskovic became the owner of most of the retail in country, so all the suppliers depend on him and his payments. All this results in the state depending a good deal on an individual, whom it allowed all that. After October 5, Miroslav Miskovic became the largest investor and owner of real estate, land and companies in Serbia. Soon afterwards he got a competition in the owner of MPC, Petar Matic, who today, beside Delta, is the owner of the largest number of square metres and real estate in Belgrade. According to his company's web site, he founded MPC in 1993, and had three employees at the time. The fact is that he was developing his company during wars, sanctions and poverty. According to newspaper articles, which he never denied, he got rich by dealing in cigarettes, alcohol and oil, all thanks to close ties with the then prime minister, Mirko Marjanovic. Matic's company, which is only registered in Serbia, and whose real owner is a company from Holland, owns several thousand square metres. Radomir Zivanic, also known as Baja Plavi, is owner of the Verano Group, general distributor of Peugeot cars, bought Belgrade Department Stores together with Greek investment fund Marfin, the owner of the Marfin Popular Bank. It was created by a merger of three banks, among others, the Laiki Bank, notorious for being used to transfer Serbian money to Cyprus under Slobodan Milosevic. In 2000, he was on the list of the European Commission as the collaborator of the Milosevic regime, persona non grata in the European Union. He founded Verano in 1991, with other famous businessman Milija Babovic. Today, Radomir Zivanic owns around 25 companies. With a property estimated at four billion dollars, Philip Zepter is lately regularly on the list of one hundred richest people in Eastern and Central Europe. In 2006, he was even on the sixteenth place of the list made by Polish economic magazine Vprost. He claims that he employs 100,000 workers in 40 countries and has financial transactions of around billion dollars per year. He is a founder of Zepter International, company with eight factories in Switzerland, Germany, Poland and Italy. Zepter started off in Australia, as a salesman of AMC dishes. Today, he lives in Monte Carlo. Mostly through privatisation of companies, Philip Zepter obtained attractive real estate in Belgrade and Serbia. The interesting thing is that Zepter appears nowhere in person. Even at privatisations he was often represented by Mirko Rasic, director of Zepter's companies, or as buyer the Swiss company Home Art And Sales Services. Today, he owns several dozen companies, thousands of square metres and hectares of land. As a member of the government under Milosevic, Milan Beko participated in the sale of Telekom in 1998 as advisor of investment funds, he took part in privatisation of Serbian dairies, and between 2003 and 2005 he was advisor of the investment fund FPP Balkan Limited, which in 2005 bought majority package of shares of Knjaz Milos. His Luxembourg company participated in taking over of shares of C Market in 2005, and media speculated that he was behind privatisation of Belgrade newspaper Vecernje novosti in 2006, which Beko never denied. Beko was a Serbian minister of privatisation in 1997, then minister without portfolio, and federal minister of economy till 2000. In the elections in 2000, he was running on the ticket of the Yugoslav Left. The largest investors in Serbia today are local businessmen, who earned their first million under Slobodan Milosevic. They were buying during privatisation or at auctions, hiding behind their various offshore companies. That is how the public got the wrong impression that after the privatisation, the majority of property was owned by foreign capital. Behind that capital, however, are businessmen from Serbia, whose capital's origin was never checked by any of the competent institutions. Now, when the privatisation is at an end, Serbian businessmen lack only one thing, to become owners of hectares and hectares of land on which they bought ports, publishing houses or factories. Under current laws, owner of that land is the Republic of Serbia, but with the new law, whose adoption is expected soon, it could easily happen that, once again by the state's decision, the one who has the right of use, would get the right of ownership over the land. This chain of corruption and abuse in which businessmen are financing both the position and opposition includes media as well. They are under control of either businessmen of parties in power. That is why everyone keeps silent today and there is no pressure of the public. The circle is closed. In such a system, everything boils down to collective responsibility and no one is to blame for anything. Many decisions, however, were made in the interest of individuals and to the disadvantage of the citizens. Several locations alone and in Belgrade alone, the total size of around 300 hectares, thanks to various decisions by authorities, were not put up for auction. All those locations were paid for in various ways, in the total amount of around 100,800,000 euros. Had the decisions made by the state been different and the decision on what is strategically important for Belgrade motivated by idea to first make a decision to move factories out of town, turn industrial zone into commercial one and then put hectares of land up for auction, the budget would have been twenty times richer now. According to The Insider's findings, based on official data, the potential value of all those locations, which were given away, or bought for only 100 million euros, is 2,890,000,000 euros. It means that on the example of only several locations which you saw in the previous six episodes, the budget was potentially damaged by 2,790,000,000 euros. If we subtract from the amount fee for cultivation, which is paid by everyone anyway, even those who got the land as a present, based on the rent of the land alone which was absent, and whose starting price at auctions is established by tax management based on market value, the damage for the budget is 1,980,000,000 euros. What could have been built for that money is best illustrated by the following data: The Bridge at Ada, which many claim is the most expensive bridge being built in Serbia, will cost 118.6 million euros. From the money that the city lost, 15 such bridges could have been built. Building of a school costs around two million euros, so 896 schools could have been built. For example, reconstruction of a Clinic in Zemun cost three million euros, so with this money, which was not collected, 597 hospitals could have been reconstructed. These are just some of the consequences of abuse of official power. This was the last episode of The Insider. Delta's owner, Miroslav Miskovic, buys RTV B92. B92 loses national frequency.Delta's owner, Miroslav Miskovic, buys RTV B92. B92 loses national frequency.

Abuse of office (part seven)

Video

These topics were launched by newspapers, over all the evidence of connection between businessmen and politicians uncovered in the last six episodes of The Insider. Various decisions made by competent institutions or individuals caused a loss of several hundred million euros to the city or state budget, and, thus, the citizens. None of the state representatives can tell us why the decisions were made in the interests of the individuals and to the disadvantage of the citizens. Since the evidence was made public, mostly everybody keeps silent, both the politicians and journalists of other media. It is just another indicator that the public's pressure in Serbia does not exist. Media are mostly controlled, by either politicians in power or businessmen, who finance those politicians or that media. In addition, businessmen have their own people in the judiciary, prosecution and competent institutions. The circle is closed. That is why tonight you will see only the facts and evidence uncovered in the last six episode.

This is the last episode of The Insider. "No Comment"

Every city's or state's greatest is the building land. From the sale, or lease of land, the money goes to the budget, which is used to build infrastructure, renew roads and make bridges. Based on several months of research, The Insider concluded that representatives of the state, city and competent institutions, caused losses to the budget by giving away hectares of land to businessmen without auction. Because of an attempt to deceive the public, by claiming that when a land is put up for auction, a fee is the same as a rent, we asked the Belgrade Land Development Public Agency how much the Agency earns for the budget when it puts a land up for auction. Basic thing is the following: when a land is put up for auction, starting price is the land's market price, which represents a rent. The city budget has been caused a loss for that amount and not for the fee which everyone who builds something has to pay anyway. The Agency sent us official data, how much the city earns when it puts a land up for auction. At land auction, Marina Dorcol reached a price of, according to the Agency, 70,601 euros per are. First, the land of around 2.5 hectares was leased, the price of which was 120,000 euros per are, and subsequently another 1.5 hectare was leased. Thus, 28 million euros ended up in the city budget in 2006. For an are of land at Autokomanda, the price reached 89,963 euros, and around three hectares were leased at auction. The City thus earned 26,244,000 euros in 2009. Three hectares in Bloc 67, reached the price of 51,100 euros per are at auction, which meant 17 million euros for the city budget in 2004. The land in Bloc 58 in New Belgrade reached the price of 130,000 euros per are at auction. Thus, from one hectare alone, the city budget in 2007 got around 15 million euros. In Bloc 11, the land of around two hectares, reached the price of 123,000 euros per are at auction, and the budget thus earned 23 million euros. According to official data from the Agency, at several locations alone, the total of which was 25 hectares, the City earned a total of 172,465,000 euros at auction. If it was to be divided by hectares, the average hectare of city land costs around 7 million euros. The building land in Serbia is owned by the state, and everyone else has the right to use it. If the City gives away a location to an investor, it must do it by the law, it is obliged to put the non-built land up for auction. The fee for the cultivation of the building land must be paid by everyone who builds something, which means those who obtained the land by renting it at auction, but also those who bought, for example, an old factory and then destroyed it and built a residential building in its place. It is true that those who practically got the land as a present would have to pay the fee for the cultivation of the land when they are building something, but it is much less money than if the state put the land up for auction, which would mean that beside a fee, the rent was paid too. Namely, according to the law, when the Agency puts the land up for auction, the starting price is based on the market value of the land, the estimation of which is made by the Tax Management and then the bidding can start. Beside that, the investor pays the fee for cultivation of the building land, but that part is not put up for auction, it is a fixed price, established by the city, and it depends on the building's purpose and the zone in which it is built. Everything together makes the total amount paid by the investor, when, for example, he rents the city's building land at auction. The Port of Belgrade company was bought in 2005, during the takeover of shares from workers and the state, by Miroslav Miskovic and Milan Beko, through an offshore company. The company located in the area of around 220 hectares at the most exclusive location was bought for around 50 million euros.

That way, thanks to the state's decision, the new owners gained the right to build business and residential facilities on the port's land and for the price of the shares, and not for the price reached at an auction for renting the building land. Port representatives claim that The Insider published serious misinformation how the City of Belgrade lost over two billion euros because the land was not put up for auction. We came by the amount of around two billion euros by simple calculation, when we compared the price reached for an are of land of Marina Dorcol at auction. Marina Dorcol is located next to the Port of Belgrade.

Port representatives, however, claim this could not be calculated, and that the city would earn money only when they acquire the right to build there, because then they would pay the fee for cultivation of, as they say, 900 million euros. The fee has to be paid by everyone, both those who rent the land and those who get it for free, so there's nothing problematic there. The problem is that when the land goes for an auction, the potential buyer is bidding for the rent. The starting price is established by the Tax Management based on market conditions. The fee is a fixed one and there is no bid on it. If, for example, we take into consideration that the price of 120,000 euros per are, for Marina Dorcol, includes both the fee and rent and if we take into consideration what the Port representatives claim that when they start building they would pay the fee of around 900 million, we still come at conclusion that the city lost as mach as a billion and a half euros. In this case, the city was damaged, primarily due to the decision of the then government of Vojislav Kostunica that the state should sell shares in the company, disregarding the fact that the area is at the most exclusive part of Belgrade and that the Port itself would most certainly not remain downtown. By such decision from the republic authorities in 2005, the city was prevented from putting the land in the Port's area up for auction. With the latest amendments to the General Plan, whose adoption is expected soon, the area would be turned from industrial into construction zone. The moving of the Port would be paid for by all the citizens, and the businessmen who bought the Port would acquire the right to build residential and business facilities there. The exact size of the area in question would be known only after the dispute between the Port and the City is settled. The Port is still in dispute with the City on around 200 hectares of this land. None of the competent bodies know the exact size of the Port's land. Both claim they have the right to use the land. A legal advisor of the Port was and is, in his own admission, a former city official, Milan Perovic. However, today he is the chairman of the Board of Directors for the Belgrade Land Development Public Agency. Perovic is also a member of the Democratic Party, and before that he was a member of the New Serbia of Velimir Ilic. He was nominated for the chairman of the Board of the Agency by the Liberal Democratic Party. These ties between businessmen and all levels of authorities include media as well. The examples can be found daily, while Vecernje novosti are the frontrunners in the defence of Miskovic, Beko and Port of Belgrade. According to data published by media which were never denied, in 2006, Miskovic and Beko bought Vecernje novosti. A year later, Miodrag Djordjevic became its executive director. Dordjevic was in 2005 head of the Privatisation Agency. Privatisation Agency was the one which decided on the sale of the state package of shares of the Port of Belgrade.

However, no one has the answer to the question why the state decided to sell its shares in the company, although they knew that the Port would not remain in the city's centre, but that it would be moved. If they knew all that, why they did not decide to first amend the General Plan, which would include the moving of the Port and then sell the shares to someone who really wants to deal in port activity, and put the land which becomes a construction land up for auction, which would bring much more money to the budget. On several locations alone which we tackled in previous six episodes, as much as around 300 hectares of the Belgrade building land, for various reasons failed to end up at auction. If we take the average estimation of seven millions by hectare, and the price is often higher, the loss for the budget is greater by two billion euros. Many obtained their hectares by buying old factories, print houses or companies, and there were even cases when they simply built on a farming land, and the City later, after adopting a Detailed Plan, turned this farming land into a construction land, by changing its purpose. In 2002, the building of the former Central Committee was bought for 10 million Deutschemarks. The buyer had the right to use only eight are of the land. However, as The Insider found out, Petar Matic was practically given away all the five hectares at such an exclusive location without auction. Had the law been respected, the staring price at this location would be the market price, established by the Tax Management. For example, an are of land at auction in Bloc 58, across the road from Delta City, reached 130,000 euros per are. In comparison, the city potentially lost 65 million euros thanks to the decision of competent institutions.

After broadcast of The Insider, City representatives denied that members of city institutions made wrong decisions. However, after the mayor requested analysis from several institutions, the city's public attorney, Strahinja Sekulic established couple of days ago that the sale of Usce did not respect the legal procedure. Dragan Djilas submitted his legal analysis to the District Prosecutor. The building of the business centre Usce was sold in 2002 by the federal government and Agency for Property. Involved were also land registry of Zemun and New Belgrade, but also the Geodetic Institute. The City Assembly amended the Detailed Plan for this location twice, once when the majority was made by the members of DOS and once when the Democratic Party and Democratic Party of Serbia were in power. Zoran Alimpic, the former Assembly speaker, publicly admitted that the plan for Usce was voted for by the Assembly in order to meet the request of the investor. At the time when this land was supposed to be put up for auction, director of the Land Development Public Agency was Sinisa Nikolic. Sinisa Nikolic was also member of the Board of Directors of the MPC company since 2006. Based on the Plan of Detailed Regulation, the Secretariat for Urbanism, headed by Nenad Komatina, issued a construction permit, which allowed the investor to build 100,000 square metres more than what he was allowed by the original permit. Today, the lawyer's office of Nenad Komatina represents the Balkans Real Estate, the company created by the merger between MPC and Merrill Lynch. The land of around three hectares at Autokomanda bought by Miroslav Miskovic was not put up for auction. Delta company obtained this land by buying the Autokomanda company at an auction so that they could deal in repairing motor vehicles. Delta paid 17 million euros for the company. Had the competent institutions first made the decision to move the Autokomanda company, if they knew that the original activity won't be resumed, but that the location would become a building land, the city could have earned much more at an auction. For example, the remaining part of the land of around three hectares, which today belongs to Petar Matic, reached the price of around 89,963 euros per are, and the city budget was richer by over 26 million euros. Thus, through the privatisation of the Autokomanda company, they paid nine million euros less than if the city had put the land in that zone up for auction.

Autokomanda was sold in February 2005. Director of the privatisation Agency was Miodrag Dordjevic, and the minister for privatisation was Predrag Bubalo from the Democratic Party of Serbia. The Old Mill is located on the land of around one hectare near the Fair, next to the Gazela bridge. That building and location have old owners, whose property was confiscated during Communism, and it was never returned to them, because the Act on Denationalisation has still not been adopted in Serbia. Beside all this, 18 buildings which make the Old Mill complex was given away to Koling by the municipality of Savski venac without auction through various contracts between 1995 and 2007, in exchange for 800 square metres of residential space.

Had the location been put up for auction as an non-built land, the city would have earned much more. Namely, the Old Mill is located in the first zone, at a similar location as Autokomanda, where an are was worth nearly 90,000 euros. Had the Old Mill been given to auction, the potential value could have reached nine million euros. The Belgrade Shipyard is located on the land of 24 hectares. By amendments to the General Plan, whose adoption is expected soon, it would become a building land. That way, Philip Zepter would obtain an exclusive land although he did not rent it at auction. Namely, he bought the shipyard which went into receivership in 2003 for 13 million euros. The Belgrade Shipyard is located next to the plot in Bloc 58, which reached 130,000 euros per are at auction. Had the land been put up for auction, it could have reached the price of 312 million euros.

Zoran Janjusevic was appointed the receivership manager in 2002. At the time of the sale of the shipyard, the receivership manager was Darinka Isailovic, previously Janjusevic's assistant. The land of around one hectare, in downtown Belgrade, next to the Vuk's Monument, where the factory Partizanka was located, was not put up for auction. Petar Matic and his company City Real Estate obtained the location by buying the building of the Inex Partizanka factory in 2002. The building of 8,000 square metres was sold for only 90 million dinars. A residential building Oaza was built in its place. The construction permit was signed by the then secretary for urbanism, Vuk Djurovic, and the interesting thing is that the project Oaza was made by his brother, Ognjen Djurovic, and former city architect and today an MP of the Democratic Party in the City Assembly, Djordje Bobic. Before becoming a city architect, he was a member of several city committees deciding on urbanism issues. At the same time, he was the owner of the architectural bureau. Since 2000, the Slavija Bureau projected most of the buildings built by local businessmen.

None of the competent officials can tell us why the state, if it knew that a factory would not remain at an attractive location, sold the ruined factory during privatisation, instead of moving it to the periphery, selling it someone who really wants to re-launch manufacture, which would prevent workers from losing their jobs, and then put the land on auction, which would bring much more money to the budget. Had the land on which today we have the Oaza residential complex been put up for auction, the price would potentially reach at least 70,000 euros. Thus, the city and the state lost minimum seven million euros. The land of one hectare, which houses the oldest printing house in the country BIGZ, across the road from Belgrade Fair, was given away also without auction. BIGZ was sold in 2007 during privatisation at auction to Beta Partners, owned by Petar Matic. The price was around 3.5 million euros. Had the state decided to first move BIGZ, since it already knew that it would not remain at such an attractive location and then put it as a building land up for auction, the city would earn much more. The location of the BIGZ building is in the fist city zone, similar to Autokomanda, where an are was worth almost 90,000 euros. Thus, at an auction, a hectare of this land could potentially be bought for nine million euros.

At the time when BIGZ was sold in 2007, director of the Privatisation Agency was Vladimir Galic, official of the Democratic Party of Serbia, and minister of privatisation was Predrag Bubalo, from the same party. The land which was not put up for auction and is in the immediate vicinity of the Zrenjanin Road, ten kilometres from downtown Belgrade, has 26 hectares. Sports centre Kovilovo and Hotel President was built on that land. This farming land was obtained by the owner of the sports centre, Milan Sotra, from the director of the state company PKB in the 1990s, who gave it to him for free. The latest Detailed Plan for this area, recently adopted by the City Assembly, allows the construction of everything that has already been built there. That way, the city adjusted the planning document to the situation on the ground, thus legalizing everything that was made without a fee, at the same time turning the farming zone into a construction one. Had everything been done in case of Kovilovo according to the law, had the plan been adopted for the area first, according to which the farming land became a construction land, and then put 26 hectares up for auction, the city would have earned over ten million euros. At the corner of Ustanicka and Boulevard of King Aleksandar, there are three hectares of land which were not put up for auction. In its place, in the 1990s, illegal buildings were built, which were turned into a shopping mall, and residential buildings were built by Hidrotehnika on the same spot without a permit. However, the City Assembly adopted amendments to the Detailed Regulation Plan in 2004 and thus not only legalised the building, but turned the owners into users of construction plots at such an attractive location. Apparently, in order to please the owners of facilities, the city even decided that the planned extension of the Revolution Boulevard in that part of the street is no longer possible. That way, an irreparable damage to the city of Belgrade was done. It is interesting to note that the lawyer's office of Vesna Ivic, who was head of the office of the then mayor, Nenad Bogdanovic, at the time when City Assembly voted for amendments to the Detailed Plan, is located in the shopping mall on the Boulevard. Vesna Ivic is today head of the city management.

If the market value is similar to the one at the outskirts of New Belgrade, where for the requirements of construction of a sports centre 31,000 euros per are were paid for almost four hectares, by changing the Detailed Plan and not putting the location up for auction, the city potentially lost a little over nine million euros. Around a hectare of land in the city's centre, across the road from the Federal Parliament and Serbian presidency, was not put up for auction. Location was given away to the Jiompros company back in the 1990s and was not taken away, although the land was not used according to its purpose. Only a part of the fee went to the city budget, but not from the rent which would probably reach a record amount for this location. The location was resold several times, and MPS owned by Petar Matic is currently building on it.

This location at the corner of Kralja Aleksandra and Kneza Milosa streets has old owners, from which it was confiscated after World War Two. In 2004, when it still had no buildings on it, it could have been returned to the old owners under the law. The potential value of a single hectare at this location is at least 13 million euros, because that much was paid for a hectare at New Belgrade, at a location less attractive than this one. The land on which the Wool Plant is located has 4.3 hectares and is in the immediate vicinity of the Danube and Port of Belgrade. The company was bought by the Port through its companies, which is to say Miskovic and Beko, at an auction, in September 2009, for around 5.5 million euros.

Had the state decided first to move the Wool Plant and put its land up for auction, the city would have had a much greater income from it. The land is close to Marina Dorcol, where the rent was paid 120,000 euros per are. This way, 5.5 million did go to Serbia's budget, but the potential loss, at this location alone, was a little less than 25 million euros. All these locations, and we are talking about only several examples of around 300 hectares in total, were practically given away, instead of the state making decisions what is strategically important for the city, which factories and companies to move from the city, and then organise an auction for the city land. Simultaneously, the laws and procedures were adjusted to businessmen and that way they are doing everything by the law now. The problem is, however, in the state, government and Parliament making such decisions and laws.

Through privatisation and purchase of shares they acquired simultaneously large amounts of square metres and possibility to build, without paying rent for the land, which is the state's most expensive resource. At the same time, by various decisions, either through privatisation or giving away of the land, the old owners were left without locations and real estate, which had been confiscated from them by the Communist authorities after World War Two. Compensation for this could be paid for by all the citizens, if the Act on Restitution is not adopted soon, which should have actually been adopted before the Act on Privatisation.

It is a known fact that there is corruption, but the adoption of a new law is announced, which should prevent corruption by reducing the procedure of getting permits. Even according to the current law, the deadline for getting the permit is fifteen days, but in practice it often turns into at least fifteen months.

Representatives of the Secretariat and Land Registry publicly told the Insider that people even get permits based on forgeries – even the involved admitted to it. There are evidence that the construction permit was issued in 2008 in name of the man who died in 2002. At the same time, important institutions do not have a permit of use. The state built the ring road around Belgrade without appropriate permits. Former minister, Velimir Ilic, who was supposed to fight illegal construction, which is a criminal act, was building a clinic in Kaculice himself. Due to violation of the law, he was just unofficially warned. Under Milosevic, illegal construction was supported by the state, which is how several Zemun settlements emerged. The Serbian Radical Party, which was in power in Zemun at the time, was selling farming land to citizens for building houses, so the residents did not have electrical power or sewage system for years. Today, the equipping of those settlements is paid by all the citizens of Belgrade.

In the period, there were privileged companies, which got hectares of land to build apartments, also without auction. Stankom, owned by Zivadin Mihajlovic, called Zika the Cigarette-Holder, got an exclusive right to build in Cukarica. He was given hundreds of plots. Later Stankom got co-investors, broke off contracts with them, and buyers lost their money and apartments. Today, one of the co-investors of Stankom, Aleksandar Lukic, owner of Delta Legal, is in custody.

In our last episode, we informed the viewers that the former president of the Second Court, Gordana Mihajlovic, was today representing Stankom. As a proof of this, we published the authorisation from Stankom that, in case lawyer Visnjic was prevented, she would represent Stankom. Gordana Mihajlovic sent a denial to The Insider. She claims that her name was mentioned in an unfair context of the so-called Construction Mafia.

"For truth's sake, it is true that my husband is a lawyer, that he was a lawyer at the time when I was appointed president of the court, that he started representing Stankom only six months after I left court, in 2006 and 2007, that he is not representing it now for over a year, that I was replacing him only in case he was prevented for some reason and that there is no conflict of interest in it whatsoever," said the letter sent to The Insider by the former president of the court. After privatisation in Serbia, the largest investors, owners of square metres, real estate, land and companies in Serbia today are Miroslav Miskovic, Petar Matic, Radomir Baja Zivanic, Milan Beko and Milan Jankovic, also known as Philip Zepter. Miroslav Miskovic was in 1989 vice-president of the Executive Committee of Serbia, together with Dusan Mihajlovic, after which he moved to private business. When accused by former workers of the Genex state company that he built his empire thanks to close ties with Milosevic, that while Genex was closing down, Delta was growing, Delta replied it was an utter nonsense. Due to close ties with Milosevic, Miskovic was on the American list of persons forbidden entry to the country. After assisting in forming of the latest government, he was taken off that list. In addition to all this, President Tadic invited him for a dinner, prepared only for the select few, in honour of the visit by the US Vice-President Joseph Biden Miskovic today owns several thousand square metres and hectares of land. His company employs over 25.000 people. Delta is, however, owned by an offshore company in Cyprus, which means that all the capital of his company is owned by foreign companies, but the final owner is still him. When, for example, Miskovic sold Delta Bank, the tax on capital profit was not paid in Serbia, because the bank was owned by an offshore company from Cyprus. In the meantime, Miskovic became the owner of most of the retail in country, so all the suppliers depend on him and his payments. All this results in the state depending a good deal on an individual, whom it allowed all that. After October 5, Miroslav Miskovic became the largest investor and owner of real estate, land and companies in Serbia. Soon afterwards he got a competition in the owner of MPC, Petar Matic, who today, beside Delta, is the owner of the largest number of square metres and real estate in Belgrade. According to his company's web site, he founded MPC in 1993, and had three employees at the time. The fact is that he was developing his company during wars, sanctions and poverty. According to newspaper articles, which he never denied, he got rich by dealing in cigarettes, alcohol and oil, all thanks to close ties with the then prime minister, Mirko Marjanovic. Matic's company, which is only registered in Serbia, and whose real owner is a company from Holland, owns several thousand square metres. Radomir Zivanic, also known as Baja Plavi, is owner of the Verano Group, general distributor of Peugeot cars, bought Belgrade Department Stores together with Greek investment fund Marfin, the owner of the Marfin Popular Bank. It was created by a merger of three banks, among others, the Laiki Bank, notorious for being used to transfer Serbian money to Cyprus under Slobodan Milosevic. In 2000, he was on the list of the European Commission as the collaborator of the Milosevic regime, persona non grata in the European Union. He founded Verano in 1991, with other famous businessman Milija Babovic. Today, Radomir Zivanic owns around 25 companies. With a property estimated at four billion dollars, Philip Zepter is lately regularly on the list of one hundred richest people in Eastern and Central Europe. In 2006, he was even on the sixteenth place of the list made by Polish economic magazine Vprost. He claims that he employs 100,000 workers in 40 countries and has financial transactions of around billion dollars per year. He is a founder of Zepter International, company with eight factories in Switzerland, Germany, Poland and Italy. Zepter started off in Australia, as a salesman of AMC dishes. Today, he lives in Monte Carlo. Mostly through privatisation of companies, Philip Zepter obtained attractive real estate in Belgrade and Serbia. The interesting thing is that Zepter appears nowhere in person. Even at privatisations he was often represented by Mirko Rasic, director of Zepter's companies, or as buyer the Swiss company Home Art And Sales Services. Today, he owns several dozen companies, thousands of square metres and hectares of land. As a member of the government under Milosevic, Milan Beko participated in the sale of Telekom in 1998 as advisor of investment funds, he took part in privatisation of Serbian dairies, and between 2003 and 2005 he was advisor of the investment fund FPP Balkan Limited, which in 2005 bought majority package of shares of Knjaz Milos. His Luxembourg company participated in taking over of shares of C Market in 2005, and media speculated that he was behind privatisation of Belgrade newspaper Vecernje novosti in 2006, which Beko never denied. Beko was a Serbian minister of privatisation in 1997, then minister without portfolio, and federal minister of economy till 2000. In the elections in 2000, he was running on the ticket of the Yugoslav Left. The largest investors in Serbia today are local businessmen, who earned their first million under Slobodan Milosevic. They were buying during privatisation or at auctions, hiding behind their various offshore companies. That is how the public got the wrong impression that after the privatisation, the majority of property was owned by foreign capital. Behind that capital, however, are businessmen from Serbia, whose capital's origin was never checked by any of the competent institutions.

Now, when the privatisation is at an end, Serbian businessmen lack only one thing, to become owners of hectares and hectares of land on which they bought ports, publishing houses or factories. Under current laws, owner of that land is the Republic of Serbia, but with the new law, whose adoption is expected soon, it could easily happen that, once again by the state's decision, the one who has the right of use, would get the right of ownership over the land. This chain of corruption and abuse in which businessmen are financing both the position and opposition includes media as well. They are under control of either businessmen of parties in power. That is why everyone keeps silent today and there is no pressure of the public. The circle is closed. In such a system, everything boils down to collective responsibility and no one is to blame for anything. Many decisions, however, were made in the interest of individuals and to the disadvantage of the citizens. Several locations alone and in Belgrade alone, the total size of around 300 hectares, thanks to various decisions by authorities, were not put up for auction. All those locations were paid for in various ways, in the total amount of around 100,800,000 euros. Had the decisions made by the state been different and the decision on what is strategically important for Belgrade motivated by idea to first make a decision to move factories out of town, turn industrial zone into commercial one and then put hectares of land up for auction, the budget would have been twenty times richer now. According to The Insider's findings, based on official data, the potential value of all those locations, which were given away, or bought for only 100 million euros, is 2,890,000,000 euros. It means that on the example of only several locations which you saw in the previous six episodes, the budget was potentially damaged by 2,790,000,000 euros. If we subtract from the amount fee for cultivation, which is paid by everyone anyway, even those who got the land as a present, based on the rent of the land alone which was absent, and whose starting price at auctions is established by tax management based on market value, the damage for the budget is 1,980,000,000 euros. What could have been built for that money is best illustrated by the following data: The Bridge at Ada, which many claim is the most expensive bridge being built in Serbia, will cost 118.6 million euros. From the money that the city lost, 15 such bridges could have been built. Building of a school costs around two million euros, so 896 schools could have been built. For example, reconstruction of a Clinic in Zemun cost three million euros, so with this money, which was not collected, 597 hospitals could have been reconstructed. These are just some of the consequences of abuse of official power.

This was the last episode of The Insider.