 | | FM Vuk Jeremić (Tanjug) |
Speculation is rife in the diplomatic community that you are being pressured into stepping down from your position as foreign minister. How would you respond to such rumors?
We have democracy in this country. The people of Serbia are the ones who have the privilege—for which we have fought very hard—of electing our own administration. I will continue doing my job for as long as I have the support of the Government, the National Assembly, and the President of the Republic.
Have you heard these rumors?
I read the newspapers. I can’t help noticing that the "sources" of these rumors are usually unnamed. It would be easier to address this information if it were coming from a named source. However, I think what’s really important is that Serbia is at a critical stage when it comes to fulfilling our fundamental goals, like integration into the European Union. It’s crucial that there is no confusion about the strategic circumstances in which this country finds itself.
Do you believe there are those who are prejudiced against Serbia?
It has happened that in the past, Serbia misunderstood the outside world, and the outside world misunderstood Serbia. Sometimes, this resulted in tragic consequences for our citizens. I think it’s vitally important at this stage that we understand each other clearly; that we understand each other’s points of view, difficulties, and constraints, because we have a common goal – the entire Western Balkans integrated into the EU.
We will defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our country, using all diplomatic and legal means at our disposal.
Now, how do we get to that point from where we are now? We must make full use of the fact that we truly share this common goal. We need to engage each other honestly, through an open and frank exchange based on our respective points of view. This is the only way to overcome any outstanding issues we face. It’s profoundly important that we understand each other and I’m trying to do my best to facilitate this understanding.
Some still look at us through eyes from a previous era, when things were totally different – when there was no democratic Serbia, when we were not trying to be an integral part of the solution. This is no longer the case. And yet, despite the fundamental difference between then and now, some still think that when there’s an issue related to the Balkans, the right thing to do is to dust off their outdated manual for dealing with Belgrade.
We will work hard to further our achievements in 2009, so as to further accelerate the process of our European integration.
You’re talking about the political elite in Western countries?
Some of these people unfortunately do belong to the political elite. But I strongly feel it is unhelpful to refer to outdated manuals with titles like “Serbia: a problem for peace and stability in the Balkans.” Today, the solutions to regional peace and stability are found in Belgrade, or with the help of Belgrade. Contemporary Serbia is a reliable partner with a very clear goal that is shared by our friends and partners, especially those in the European Union.
In the countries of the region – especially in Montenegro, Macedonia and Croatia – you have been personally accused of "spoiling" relations.
On the contrary, the relationship between Serbia and those countries is actually very good. Despite some regrettable decisions by the governments of these – that had the direct effect of infringing on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of my country – relations have survived in their old shape and form.
Today, the solutions to regional peace and stability are found in Belgrade, or with the help of Belgrade.
In other words, Serbia enjoys the same level of across-the-board cooperation with these countries. Let us not confuse cause with effect. It was not Serbia that chose to undermine the constitutional order of a neighbor. And yet, we have found ways to continue building new bridges with these states, because we deeply believe in the strategic importance of consolidating the region through forging ahead on the goal of achieving a common European future.
Will their decisions ultimately interfere in the economic field?
There has been no economic disruption as a result of their decision to recognize Kosovo’s UDI. If you look at the relevant statistics, you would not find any appreciative difference or shift in trends. In my opinion, it was primarily thanks to efforts by Serbia to compartmentalize the fallout from recognitions that we have managed to maintain our regional relationships.
When it comes membership in international security organizations, I underline that the citizens of Serbia will decide.
Take Montenegro, for example. It decided to recognize Kosovo at the worst possible moment for us, when recognition constituted the most fundamental undermining of our diplomatic strategy to continue peacefully defending our sovereignty and territorial integrity. It came one day after the vote in the General Assembly that relegated the status issue to the judicial arena. The timing of Podgorica’s decision maximized the damage done to our efforts to contain the number of world-wide recognitions. Now, Ambassador Vojvodić, to my great personal regret, is no longer in Belgrade as a result of a diplomatic measure taken by the Serbian government. However, with the exception of Anka Vojvodić no longer being in Belgrade, everything else is the same as it was prior to this deeply discomforting decision of the government of Montenegro.
At this time last year, the Government of Serbia launched its Action Plan for Kosovo. How has this plan been realized in the past year?
The Action Plan is the result of input received by all ministries and other institutions of the previous Serbian government. This government inherited the Action Plan. A strategic decision was taken to ensure policy continuity on the Kosovo issue. It is still in force.
Serbia’s position on Kosovo is clear. It is enshrined in our constitution and is not going to change.
When it comes to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, all the actions envisaged therefore – actions aimed at the diplomatic defense of our constitutional order –remain very much in effect.
How do you estimate the outcome of this policy of bringing home Serbia’s ambassadors from certain countries and then sending them back?
The diplomatic actions that we decided to take have been a primary cause of the number of recognitions being so low – far below the number that was anticipated by the advocates of Kosovo’s independence. In that sense, our diplomatic initiative has been a success. We have played by the rules of the international system to achieve it. This is the first time in the history of the Balkans that someone has chosen such a way. Let us not underestimate the importance of this paradigm shift.
We must maintain strong and favorable relations between us and the neighboring countries of the Western Balkans.
Kosovo has not become a member of any important multilateral institution, which was also one of the goals of our diplomatic efforts. Furthermore, our proactive policy helped win us a major victory in the General Assembly that referred the status issue to the International Court of Justice; and lastly, it has helped us create the circumstances in which an agreement was made with the UN and the EU on legitimizing the process of reconfiguration of the international presence in our southern province – an agreement that was welcomed by the Security Council. As a result, we have been able to support the deployment of a status-neutral EULEX with which our citizens can feel comfortable—whether they live in Kosovo or other parts of Serbia. In short, I think there has been tangible confirmation of the success of our diplomatic efforts.
Every single decision of the government so far has been reached unanimously, so the only conclusion that one can make is that the government is strongly united.
Relationships among the members of the present Serbian Government could be described as complicated, at the very least. Is this position of clashes within the government coalition in fact helping the Minister of Foreign Affairs or making your position more difficult?
The government of Serbia is united. Of course, we engage in political debates inside the Cabinet, and we exchange views inside the governing coalition, but all the decisions of the government to date have been reached by consensus. The government is strong and united. When it comes to foreign policy in particular, the entire government is fully behind the policy conceived by the President.
Serbia is willing to work with its neighbors and the international community in order to fulfill the conditions needed to maintain the peace and stability of the region.
But how come we hear speculation in the media that some ministers are closer to Western countries and the European Union, while others are more supportive of Russia and Moscow?
Again, every single decision of the government so far has been reached by unanimity, so the only conclusion that one can realistically make is that the government is strongly united. I have every expectation that this is going to remain the case in the future.
We have played by the rules of the international system to achieve it. This is the first time in the history of the Balkans that someone has chosen such a way.
Do you really, for example, feel that Minister Dinkić is supporting the outcome of negotiations with the Russian side vis-à-vis the energy deal?
Well, as I said, there has never been a divisive vote in the government.
Looking to the future, can you describe the three top aims of Serbian foreign policy in the next year?
The three most important points that we are going to aim to achieve in 2009 and in the years to follow, until the end of the term of this government are first to defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our country, using all diplomatic and legal means at our disposal; second, the acceleration of the process of our European integration; and third, maintaining good neighborly relations between the countries of the Western Balkans.
These are the three foreign policy priorities of Serbia and I am sure that these are going to be meticulously implemented in 2009 and beyond.
I know that you are not the Minister of Economics, but the global financial crisis is just on our border – in Hungary, for example. What do you expect the effect on Serbia to be?
Unfortunately, it’s very much within our borders already. It’s within everybody’s borders. It represents a profound danger for the well-being, peace and stability of humankind. 2009 is going to be a very difficult year economically in every part of the globe. And I think we truly need to come together as an international community to alleviate the effects of this profound crisis. We’re all in this together. My government is taking the crisis very seriously. We have devised an array of measures to counter its effects. It won’t be easy, but we will weather the storm.
Could we expect that during this financial crisis the political will of European countries regarding the integration of Serbia into the European Union will fade?
Well, it’s certainly the case that the European Union is right now focused on a series of internal challenges – some economic, some institutional. These could have an impact on the priorities of the European Union. All the states aspiring towards membership must take this into account; we need to devise steps that are going to help the process of continued integration. But strategically, I do not believe that the policy of welcoming enlargement is at risk. And in this generation, the policy of extending membership beyond the current borders of the EU is, and will continue to be, focused on the Western Balkans – on rapidly bringing all six countries of our region into the European Union.
Does this mean that maybe things will be better in the next years and that conditions regarding Kosovo will also improve, both publicly and officially?
The official policy of Brussels, which coincides with the official policy of Belgrade, is that the issue of Serbia’s EU accession and the issue of the status of Kosovo are unrelated. It’s very important that we do all in our power in Belgrade, Brussels and everywhere else, to ensure that these two issues stay separate; that they do not end up crossing over, because if they do, we believe it would cause profound difficulties.
Serbia’s position on Kosovo is clear. It is enshrined in our constitution and is not going to change. Again, any kind of linkage of our European future with a change of policy on Kosovo by Belgrade, could result in a serious undermining of Serbia’s EU integration process. This would have a negative effect on the entire Western Balkans. I strongly believe this wouldn’t be advantageous to anyone. That is why I think everyone concerned shares a common strategic interest in keeping these two issues apart.
Could we expect that in the next year the division of Kosovo will be on the table, despite the fact that it is currently unacceptable for the international community, Belgrade, Priština, and everyone else?
Serbia is not going to put any kind of plan on the table that would, in its very essence, run counter to its constitution. The partition of Serbia – no matter where this partition line would be drawn – is something that Serbia will not propose. We are bound by our constitution to continue defending our territorial integrity. Because this is the New Year issue, do you have any message for the diplomatic corps in Belgrade?
2008 was a year of great turbulence. Serbia fought very hard in the diplomatic arena to alleviate the affects of this turbulence and I think we were reasonably successful in our efforts. 2009 could be the year of our European integration. Of course, we need a partner in this. We need to work very closely with the European Union in achieving that goal. I am deeply convinced that the only strategic direction in which the Western Balkans can go in order to ensure prosperity and stability is the direction of full EU membership for all the countries of the region. 2008 was a year of great challenges; 2009 could be a year of great gains. I truly hope that the potential of the coming year is going to be fully exploited. By working together in common cause, 2009 can be made into Serbia’s European leap year.
Our famous contemporary tennis players travelled around a million kilometers this year. Can you tell us any details about how many kilometers you travelled and how many meetings you had in 2008?
It’s been a pretty hectic year. I haven’t made a count of kilometers, but I know that I’ve taken 220 flights.
220 flights and at least 220 meetings outside of Belgrade…?
Many more than that. Wherever I go, I always have more than one meeting. I believe my record was fifteen in one day.
Can you estimate some number?
That’s very hard. I certainly held more than a thousand meetings abroad.
The 24th of December will see a slowdown in the policy activities in Europe, because of the celebrating of Christmas. Will you be using this day for a rest?
Actually, there isn’t going to be much of a holiday – just a couple of days around New Year’s Eve and then a couple days around Orthodox Christmas.
I didn’t include any questions about the Democratic Party or NATO’s Partnership for Peace, but I would like to ask if NATO integration will be on Serbia’s agenda in the new year?
When it comes to our eventual membership in international security organizations, I underline that the citizens of Serbia will decide. That’s what our constitution specifies. At the moment we are looking forward to participate in all the programs that are open to us through our membership in Partnership for Peace. There are a lot of security challenges in the region, and I am in no doubt that we need to address them together. Serbia is willing to work with its neighbors and the international community in order to fulfill the conditions needed to maintain the peace and stability of the region. That is one of the top priorities of the government of Serbia.
How would you respond to speculation that you will be the next Prime Minister? How do you see your future: in the private sector or maybe as prime minister?
I see my future as a citizen of a country that is a member of the European Union.
What about political ambition?
Well, it’s not about political ambition. It’s about what we can do together, as citizens of the Republic of Serbia, in order to deliver common prosperity and secure our future.
This article originally appeared on the CorD website
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